Bleg: What is the issue endogenous money people are after?

I have a question where I would love some help :)

Via Marginal Revolution I noticed that there seems to be quite a war between economists regarding the financial sector.

However, I actually don’t see where there is an issue in the argument that is going on.  The way I see it Nick Rowe has it right with his comments here and here, and in turn this illustrates that even though a central bank doesn’t explicitly constrain the “stock” or the “supply” of money, their cash rate (and its relation to the natural rate) and inflation target (given an output gap view of the evolution of inflation) provide an implicit constraint.

The way I see it, mainstream theory and “endogenous money” theory people can both assume that the quantity and/or supply of money is endogenous, and that investment=savings-current account.  So where is the difference, what does it tell us, and how is it testable?

The bad side of independence?

For me, the independence of central banks is one of the greatest institutional changes that has taken place in the past 30 years when it comes to “economic management”.  This independence has allowed central banks to clearly articulate goals and ensure that the arbitrary monetary distortions that previously occurred no longer take place – governments can not use storage, and central banks are generally less likely to accidentally tighten or loosen conditions inappropriately.

But this independence, and this view that a central bank provides some central “management” role has led an increasing number of writers to believe that the central bank truly controls the economy.  Not just in a broad sense, but there is a belief that a central bank can meet many disparity micro goals, changing the structure of the economy, controlling firms pay structures, changing inequality.

There was a time not so long ago when it was clearly recognised that STRUCTURAL issues were the responsibility of Treasury – if there was a clear defined market/institutional/government failure to deal with.

But now an increasing number of these broad structural issues are being blamed on central banks, there is an increasing belief that by changing an interest rate the Bank can separately determine a myriad of clear “good and bad” potential outcomes – and people appear to get frustrated because they feel that central banks are purposefully making things worse.

But this is not true, monetary policy is inherently cyclical, financial stability issues are just that … issues of financial stability.  If there are failures in the more general economy it is due to either the imperfection of the world we live in or the inappropriateness of government policy settings (in either direction) – it is not due to the central bank setting the wrong interest rate, or making the wrong comment in their latest statement.

I just hope this fundamental lesson will be remembered before people decide to start diluting the independence of, or stretching the role of, our central banks.

Update:  This issue is discussed more sensibly on the Money Illusion.  Choice quote:

Monetary policy should be boring, as it is in Australia; not exciting, as it is in the US and Japan.  Most of my readers think I am advocating use of monetary policy as a tool.  Most think I want it to be exciting.  Nothing could be further from the truth.

What does market monetarism say about NZ during the crisis?

The Money Illusion has popularised the idea of market monetarism, leading to strong claims overseas that there needs to be more monetary easing.  This is all well and good, and in fact I long agreed with many of the policy recommendations that have been stated (although I am not a complete proponent).  But if we were to look at the nominal GDP numbers for New Zealand (NGDP) what would it tell us?

Continue Reading →

Is that an inflation target …

Or are you just flirting with me Bank of Japan?

In truth the BOJ has tried to hold back from an explicit 1% inflation target, and is just discussing it as a “near term goal”.  While this isn’t as positive as the Fed move to an explicit inflation target, and Australia and New Zealand’s long-term policy of having an explicit inflation target and printed rate track, it is an improvement.

With Fed and BOJ policy improving, credit markets in Europe consistently settling since mid-December, implied volatility on markets way down (the VIX), and the cost of credit down significantly in the past 6 weeks we could be seeing a real improvement on financial markets.

What does that mean in little old New Zealand?  Well our higher exchange rate is tempering part of any stimulus coming from offshore, while its up to the RBNZ to keep an eye on the rate track.  If financial conditions look like they are going to improve in the near future the Bank may suggest that they will be lifting rates in larger chunks when they do get around to it.  It will be interesting to see what happens when we get to the March meeting.

Australia and New Zealand in monetary policy

Sorry for my lack of posting recently, my high level of disorganisation is taking its toll at what is quite a busy time for some reason.

As a result, I will post today with a comment I wrote somewhere else – hopefully, one day I can do a real post on this issue ;)

Over at Money Illusion Marcus Nunes links to an interesting post comparing monetary policy outcomes during the GFC between Aussie and NZ.  One conclusion is that, during the GFC both central banks did some good work – but Aussie was better (from the market monetarist standpoint).

I stab down a reply stating that I think this is unfair on the RBNZ.  I list some reasons why and discuss.  Key points are:

  • I think that the potential output gap suggested are wrongish,
  • In per capita terms the divergence is much weaker,
  • Australia had more of a TOT boost – which needs to be taken into account in this framework,
  • New Zealand suffered a myriad of other “supply side shocks”, which even in the market monetarist framework are expected to lead to an ex-post deviation from trend even with an optimal central bank,
  • If we stretch things out for the latest data, and look in per capita terms, the RBNZ appears to have got us back to this “trend” once we were finally free of the effects of drought, earthquakes, and regulatory changes.

The one argument I can see pulled out against the RBNZ is the same one being pulled out about the BOE – that they changed the structural framework in banking without compensating for any current drop in money supply indirectly linked to this change.  However, even this is a bit rough – given the high level of uncertainty about the impact of those structural changes … in essence “ex-ante” they will have been taking this into account (they were saying it), the impact may have just been larger than they reasonably expected.

Automatic smoothing with VAT/GST?

Via the Money Illusion I see that there is a suggestion to make consumption taxes an automatic stabiliser for a given economy.

Russ Abbott, who is a computer science professor at Cal State LA, sent me an ingenious plan for having the Fed use fiscal policy to stabilize the economy.  It involves sales tax rebates when times are bad and tax surcharges when times are good.  It would be easiest to implement in an economy that already had a VAT, and/or state sales taxes.  I see it as analogous to my proposal to makes cyclical adjustments to the employer-side payroll tax rate.  These plans tend to work best when the central bank is targeting inflation.  Of course an even better policy is to directly target NGDP expectations.

The entire paper is only 2 pages, a model of clarity and concision.

I can not access the article, so just have to discuss it in terms of a concept.  It also remember that the RBNZ has discussed the issue before, but I said this on the blog before I got into the habit of hyperlinking everything … I will find a link at some point.

The way I see it, expectations regarding the relative price of consumption now to future consumption are incredibly important – which is why we need to think about these very issues in terms of expectations.  This raises four things to keep in mind when thinking about a proposal like this:

  1. How do we determine the cycle,
  2. what timing is there between data on the cycle and when the tax change occurs,
  3. Given information about what the cycle is, and regarding any lags in timing, what does the change in VAT/GST do to relative prices for consumption in current and expected future periods,
  4. Is this necessary with inflation targeting?

So, in answer to point 1 we would determine that we are on the upswing of a cycle when we are a certain % above some trend per capita – it may not be perfect, but it works in an operational sense.  Very good.

In answer to point 2, we would know whether we were above this point with a lag of about a quarter (three months) in New Zealand.  A similar lag would likely exist overseas, as they wait to have sufficient data finalised.

So, when it comes to forming expectations, people in the economy will already know if we are near a point where the consumption tax is going to be hiked (due to this being a some cycle), and they will have partial data from other economic indicators for the three months after the end of this quarter – as a result, if it seem sufficiently likely that taxes are going to be hiked, consumers will foresee it and lift their consumption now.  Similarly, on the downside if people start to expect that a cut in VAT/GST will happen at a near time in the future (due to expectations of a downswing) people will cut consumption now.

In other words, by making the level of VAT/GST depend on the perceived point in the cycle we are at, we make any expectations of a downturn or upturn self reinforcing.

However, this is not the full impact.  When activity is below trend, then consumption taxes will fall, when activity is above trend they will rise.  Although the timing does cause some cyclical elements, the existence of the tax would likely smooth out the magnitude of any underlying cycle that happens to exist in economic activity (if the cycle is sufficiently larger than the deviations from trend that are targeted with the change in VAT) – in many ways it can be justified in the same way as an interest rate target for smoothing economic activity, as both involve changing the relative price of consumption based on where we are in the economic cycle.

Do we need this

Well no.  With inflation targeting, we have a natural built mechanism for dealing with cyclical changes in economic activity.  Furthermore, without having to rely on some arbitrary trend estimate we don’t have to worry about a supply shock knocking the fiscal position into a perpetual deficit/surplus.