Capital market intervention: How can we make it sound like a good idea?

A post at Kiwiblog reminded me of an issue I have wanted to discuss for a while – the optimality of capital market intervention. In this post I aim to discuss some of the basic issues surrounding capital market intervention from a selfish-country perspective.  Furthermore, I want to paint a picture where capital market intervention is actually optimal.

As DPF mentions it is fundamentally unfair that we want other countries to allow us fair access to their capital, but we are unwilling to give access to our own capital. Although this is true, the government of New Zealand is elected to maximise the welfare of New Zealander’s – not the welfare of people around the world. As a result, we have to ask if such controls are in the interest of New Zealand itself. Note: I would like it if other countries in the world cared about other people – sadly governments are really just local institutions that have been created to increase the bargaining power of a select group, so this isn’t the reality of it.

Read more

Protectionism: it’s instinct

Steven Landsburg has an opinion piece in the NY Times today in which he extols the benefits of free trade and rails against the protectionists:

Suppose, after years of buying shampoo at your local pharmacy, you discover you can order the same shampoo for less money on the Web. Do you have an obligation to compensate your pharmacist? If you move to a cheaper apartment, should you compensate your landlord? When you eat at McDonald’s, should you compensate the owners of the diner next door? Public policy should not be designed to advance moral instincts that we all reject every day of our lives.

This strikes me as a bizarre analogy: how often does a community rally in support of local businesses when Wal-Mart or Woolworths moves in and puts the local dairy out of business? We read about such stories all the time in the newspaper and unsurprisingly so. Read more

Orchardists and Labour productivity

NZPA released a story about an Orchardist that tried to get out of paying some seasonal workers for a public holiday.  All well and good, the contractual obligations of an employer is a topic that is out of my league.  However, the final line of the article got my interest.

“When employers treat their workers well by paying their entitlements, their workforce is likely to be much more productive”.  This is the claim of the Department of Labour.  Now I think by itself this is a fair claim.  In the apple picking industry it can be difficult to quantify the amount of effort a worker is putting into picking.  The output of the worker depends on both the effort they put in, and the density of the fruit in the area they are picking (I did a little blueberry picking back in the day 😉 ).  It is also impractical to constantly supervise workers (as they tend to work over a largish area).  As a result of these factors, efficiency wages can increase effort and thereby increase the workers productivity.

However,  the context that DOL made this statement in wasn’t purely descriptive.  They were trying to tell employers that they should be more generous with their wages, as they should want higher productivity.  In this sense I disagree with them.  The employer realises that the productivity of their workers depends on the way they treat their workers.  If they choose to pay their employees at a low rate, it is because the expected benefit from paying them more is less than the cost of paying them more.  Now in the case of the apple orchard this was illegal.  However, the employer obviously felt that the probability of getting caught was sufficiently low that the cost of paying his employees (which includes the productivity enhancement, and the loss from getting caught times the probability of being caught) was less than the benefit from paying.

If this is DOLs line on productivity, they are treating employers like they are stupid.  They believe that they understand the relationship between employers and employees better than the employers and employees themselves.  While I do not have a problem with the idea that higher wages leads to greater productivity, I do have a problem with the idea that firms are not doing what is in their own best interest.  If this is how the DOL feels, they need to realise that employers goal is not to maximise the productivity of their workforce, it is to maximise the profitability of their business.

Some people may feel that is would be a good idea to intervene and force firms to pay higher wages and increase labour productivity.  If we did this output could rise or fall (depending on the relative effect on productivity), the amount of labour hired would fall (as you would need less labour to produce the same quantity of output), and the effect on prices would depend on the change in output (as we are moving along the demand curve).  Ultimately, we assumed that the firm would not want to do this unless the benefit was greater than the cost, if this is the case output from each firm would fall and prices would rise.  In the apple industry we face a world price, and for the consumer, the loss of output would be made up by imported apples.  However, the leftward shift in the domestic supply curve implies that producer surplus would fall.  As consumer surplus hasn’t changed, total surplus from the industry would fall.

So by forcing firms to set higher wages, to force a higher level of productivity than they would have chosen in equilibrium, we get greater unemployment and lower profit in our apple industry.  Not an outcome that people on either side of the political spectrum would be particularly happy with.

Note:  I am only talking about setting higher wages to receive higher productivity and how that influences efficiency.  I am not talking about the equity reasons for higher wages, and I’m certainly not talking about the minimum wage.  You can talk about that stuff if you have a point you want to raise, but if anyone gets all ideological and angry about it I’m going to be very mean to you!

Democracy and growth

One of my favourite development economists, Daron Acemoglu, has a new paper out. Acemoglu is generally of the view that a country’s level of wealth can be traced back to the country’s institutional development. In a fascinating earlier paper he argued that the institutions set up by European colonists are a major predictor of the current wealth of colonised nations. His new paper proposes that the wealth of a nation is not correlated with the level of democracy in that country, nor is it correlated with regime change towards democracy in the country.

It seems that a trend among Western democracies is to promote democracy as the way forward for developing nations. This has particularly been the case with the US’s recent foreign policy under the Bush/Cheney regime. Does this paper suggest that efforts to ‘nation build’ and push countries towards democracy does little for their economic well-being? Hopefully, it will force nation-builders to be more rigorous about the way that they justify intervention in favour of democracy in developing countries. Suggesting that it’s the one, true path to economic growth will no longer be enough.

Product diversity and development

Tim Harford’s latest Undercover Economist column covers some interesting research on industrial development. The paper examines the type of products that countries produce, and the way that a country’s ‘manufacturing portfolio’ changes over time. The key finding is that countries tend to develop by producing similar products to those that they already produce.

This makes intuitive sense: if a country already has infrastructure suited to the manufacture of a particular product then it will be less costly to develop similar products than to develop radically different ones. The problem arises when a poor country with limited production diversity approaches the limits of its current manufacturing processes. It is very difficult and costly to make the transition to producing a new, unrelated product type. The paper’s data confirms that this rarely happens. Notably, the authors find that:

Rich countries have larger, more diversified economies, and so produce lots of products […]. East Asian economies look very different, with a big cluster around textiles and another around electronics manufacturing […]. African countries tend to produce a few products with no great similarity to any others.

If poor countries are to make the step to producing new products then some intervention in the development process may be required. This points to a role for some government industrial policy at a national level, or structural intervention at an international level. It could mean a new justification for infant industry protection in developing countries. It also, perhaps, points to a different way of making effective use of the limited aid money available to organisations such as the IMF and World Bank.

Import substitution, good or bad?

Free exchange and Dani Rodrik have both made intelligent posts on the issue of import substitution. Free exchange sticks to the common line that import substitution is bad, Dani says that there is evidence that it is good.

I know very little about any of this, but I’m going to say something anyway. As far as I can tell, trade policy should work off the idea of comparative advantage, implying that each country should make what the good they are ‘relatively’ better at making (specializing in goods with the lowest opportunity cost). As a result, government policy should react in ways that take advantage of this concept.

This might imply to some people that government should not intervene in trade, and just let the free market choose the most efficient industries, which will in turn trade with the rest of the world. However, I’m not sure I fully agree.

It is possible that an industry that would have a comparative advantage in trade terms may not have been founded given high fixed costs and the requirement of skilled and experienced labour which will only be created when the industry exists (infant industry type argument). If the government can recognise these industries, it can subsidise their creation until they become fully efficient, by which times they will be net exporters.

Now this form of intervention isn’t the same as import substitution (although it is often placed as a subset of it). Import substitution involves creating the goods you import at home, now if this is a good where another country has a comparative advantage then all you are doing is hurting yourself and the other country. Import substitution is a bad idea (unless there are security of supply or political issues), but government policy to develop domestic industries does have some potential.